THE MACABRE SWINGS AND POLITICAL DANCE
(PART 2)
By REV. FR. ANTHONY AGBALI
Current Realities and Critical Observations: The Way Forward:
- The Dream becomes Reality:
In 1991, the military administration of General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida created Kogi State. President Babangida brought into existence an idea that had long lingered since the late 1970s. Around, late 1979 and early 1980, some Igala elites and the other elites from ethnic groups hitherto constituting the old Kabba Province had propounded the idea of a proposed Kogi State. In fanning the embers of their agitations they had no clue as to its actualization.
At the time, Benue State had been recently created, and the Igala had moved into Benue from Kwara state. The aspiration for a proposed new state sounded crazy to many. Nonetheless, these agitators had a dream. They wanted to carve the new state from the framework of the ghosts of old Kabba Province with its capital in the old provincial headquarters Lokoja, never rested. They kept flapping and vociferously were unstoppable. They believed that the different ethnic groups that hitherto framed the old colonial Kabba Province of Northern Nigeria –the Ebira (Igbirra) and Okun Yoruba, and other minor ethnic grouping in Kwara State deserved a state; of plural, multiethnic and multi-religious composition, yet conscious of their past historic bonds.
In spite of such valiant efforts, their voices remained a distant outcry, faint from the Nigerian political epicenter. It gained certain momentum but slowly morphed into an imaginative moot. Yet, it did not rot away. Ideas once fathomed lives on. Though recognizing that recoupling these diverse ethnic group into a major political coalition in demanding for another state was in deed, an uphill task, they never stopped to dream and plan. Even more confounding, Just about the time the idea of Kogi State was swelling, another group especially from within the Igala area organized in agitating rather for the creation of a sole and “Igala ethno-purist” Okura State out of Benue State.
It was auspicious when the report of the 1986 Political Bureau, that toured and listened to different segments of Nigerians regarding Nigeria’s political future, made a strong case for creating Kogi State. Weighted against that of Okura State, they preferred a broader Kogi State to an insular Okura for its robustly plural ethnic constitution and extant better opportunities. President Ibrahim Babangida accorded with their position, creating Kogi State; turning a dream into a reality.
Beyond Babangida, a critical eternal lesson is that the organizing personalities that mooted the idea of Kogi State believed in multi-ethnic and multi-religious existence. Yet these visionaries, coalesced regardless of ethnicity and religious differences believing in a crafting a workable and progressive future of Kogi State. They saw in Kogi State a reality for self-determination and existential empowerment and self-actualization. We must see in their dreams one for the present, where ethnicity can be celebrated but must not constitute the overall hallmark in defining persons, ideals, and values. Rather, they emphasized and dreamt of a coalition that is always adept at working out their difference in ensuring common goals.
We must now look at their hourglasses to see and bring to birth their motivating ideals. We must respect their memories and foresights, realizing that we cannot fear to dream and plan, even when it involves silences and waits. We must reckon that any idea implanted in the womb of time, will providentially at the ripe time be embryonically unveiled into reality. Kogi State must further the dreams of its creators and expand the hopes and fortunes of her citizens, using our limitless intellect. We cannot afford to remain static because we fear the impossible. The dreams of our creators, relate to us that we cannot be afraid of trying. Kogi citizens must embrace difference but be able to transcend limitations caused by differences in engendering living and progressive places—unafraid of our potentials to overcome difficulties with planning and determination, without pretentious fear of dealing with what separates us.
B). Building Communities and Bridges:
Our ethnic and religious heritages are gifts to us from God and our ancestors. We honor and celebrate these. However, we must recognize that our creators built bridges in forging coalitions of ideas, even when it sound surreal and uncertain. They built bridges with others, they transcended their immediate spatial, religious, and ethnic purviews to build communities of their dreams and anticipations. It is heightening that a new generation of Kogi citizens, especially the “Indomie generation” are moving in this direction. It points out to us that the foresights of our creators are ancestrally profound and purposeful.
The different ethnic groups in pre-colonial times interacted a lot among themselves that we can today fully unwarp and assume. In our history, the Igala had extensive relationships across their present spatial domains, entered into political alliances, and coalitions. Our people intermarriage, and our history at times intertwined. The history of migration, conquests, political innovation, negotiations, scholarly, religious, and scientific progress that warranted the intermingling of different ethnic groups and people. What is true of the Igala is true of the Igbirra, Okun, Bassa Komo, Bassa Nge, Kakanda, Oworo, and many other groups. Our people were dynamic in their interactions.
Today, the Igala cannot be antithetical to the rule of the Igbirra (Ebira), Yakubu Bello. The Igbirra as a group—Panda, Tao, Etuno, Mozum, have at various times interacted with the Igala. Many Igbirra groups, as also the Idoma, have affirmed their shared history of migration into and from Idah. Igbirra Tao (Hima) predominantly around the Okene area, and the Igbirra Etuno (Igarra) specifically articulates this history of settlement and out migration from Idah.
The Igbirra Panda and Konto-Karifi affirm shared ties, noting that Ohiemi Eje, a riverine emissary of the Igala Attah, as their common founding hegemon. Following succession tussles, Attah Akumabi settled the succession cases between the two sons of Ohiemi Eje, recognizing the claims of Odokoliko (Brown, 1955:57; Ukwede, 2003: 159, 194-196). Igbirra had crossed into and settled around Itobe, since about 1860s during the reign of Attah Akuh Odiba (NAK K2013) Miachi notes the prevalence of Igbirra masquerade forms within the Igala masquerade formation (Miachi, 1990:).
Attah Ayegba is also noted to have invited to Idah some Igbirra group to assist his governance following his enthronement. The Agaidoko traces their tradition of origin to Opanda, and as descendants of Anda. The related that Akumabi Ayegba’s son and Anda, their patriarch were matrilineal kin. Akumabi was noted to have invited Anda to Idah, begging him to stay and rewarding him with a title over his loss of his Igbirra high title (Boston, 1968, 105). The anthropologist Boston allude to the existence of various clans of Igbirra extraction among the subsidiary clan groups in Idah. These are the influential Aboko-Onukwu-Attah, Agaidoko, Onupia, Ogelinya, Ohiemogbolo Obiga, Ohiuga, and Omogbaje (Boston, 1968: 102-103).
Interestingly, the Abokko Onukwu Atta, Agaidoko, and Omogbaje clans controlled the riverian areas and commercial activities on these routes (Boston, 1968, 109-111). Some of these Igbirra originating clans, especially the Agaidoko and the Abokko clans, enjoyed enormous court patronage and economic privileges. As a result they were implicated in some of the key civil conflicts faced by some of the ruling 19th century Attahs. These two clans also carried the Attah’s coffin through different stages to the burial ground (Boston, 1968: 111-117; Ukwedeh, 2003 194-196). Gbobe, (Gbegbe, Igbebe) the site of a large market within the confluence vicinity, though located in Igala territory was hugely dominated by of Igbirra residents (Baikie, 1855: 112).
Even, in recent memory, Attah Ameh Oboni, prior to becoming the Attah had resided, schooled, and worked in Okene (Etuh, 1993: 8-9). Attah Oboni’s forebears courted and had established connections with some Igbirra families around Okene (Ibid.).
In Igala territory due to the incidence of the 19th century Nupe and Fulani Jihadists some Igbirra had also moved into Igala territory, (NAK K2013). Some Igala towns, like Abocho are noted to have Igbirra demographic and cultural influences (Miachi, 1991). Some Igala masquerade probably derives from Igbirra sources (Miachi, 1999).
The Igala it must be established had lived in peace with diverse ethnic group. Igala history notes a depth of diverse ethnic aborigines and groups within Igala spaces. The historian Saburi Biobaku alludes to the fact that a residual stratum of Yoruba migrants passing through the Niger-Benue confluence remained within the Idah vicinity (Biobaku, 1955 [1960]: 25). Hutchinson relates the story of the Yoruba or Benin dynasty that displaced the aboriginal Akpoto ruling class in Idah (1855 [1966]: 54-55). There exists an interesting story that states that Ayegba married a Yoruba maiden on her way to wed Benin eloped from her escorts and fell in love with him. The myth alludes that she taught Ayegba and his people Yoruba and her descendants are Igala (NAK K2013: 3-#8).
Such state of affairs manifests that the Igala were able to peacefully pull together and integrate different ethnic coalitions and interests in fostering a common identity and assimilated formation. Igala political and social history reveals interesting depth of diverse interethnic layering and genetic pool. The Igala language evidently, while almost hugely depicting cognates with Yoruba, reveals diverse linguistic integrations. The same is true of its ethnic composition and variant political units, including cultural formations highlighted in myths, rituals, and masquerades.
The ethnic tapestries incorporated into the Igala political project and ordering its peculiar cultural imaginations are diffusive. Igala relations with the Igbo is well established in history and anthropology (Boston, 1969; Shelton, 1970). The Igbo motif reflects heavily within the Achadu clan’s tradition regarding Omeppa origin (Okwoli, 1973; Ukwedeh, 2003). Omepa, the Achadu of Igbo origin had aligned himself with Ayegba to enable their attaining a ruling coalition, and in fencing off then recalcitrant Jukun offensive against Ayegba (NAK K2013: 4). Onoja, one of the sons of Eri, the founder of Nri was also noted to have left there to settle in Igala territory, founding Idah town (Onwuejeogwu, 1981: 8, 22). Itinerants Awka metalsmiths were known to have visited and amicably carrying out their professional tasks while resident in pre-colonial Igala territories (Neaher, 1979).
The Igala capital of Idah is a multiethnic settlement since ancient times. Attah Ayegba supposedly invited Edegi, an itinerant Islamic teacher and medicine man to Idah to assist his exploits against the Jukun, to whom he gave his daughter (Clifford, 1936: 399; Ukwedeh, 2003: 160). An Igala prince, Tsoede is reckoned to have established the Nupe dynasty (Daryll, 1955) The Idoma claimed to have migrated from the present location from Idah. Even today, a spatial location in Idah remains known as Idoma (cf. Ukwede, 2003 ). The British expedition commissioners encountered a Bonny slave trader in Idah in 1841 (Laird, 1837 ).
Idah and Ankpa has been home to Hausas and Islam for a long time (Boston, 1968, 108; Okwoli, 1996: 73-74). Miachi notes that the Iyale, Akwuchi group are residuals of an earlier Hausa migration into the area (Miachi, 1991). The 1854 expedition also recorded the presence and their encountering with a Zaria crown prince then residing and engaged in Islamic scholarship in Idah during their visit (Crowther, 1859 ).
Given that the Igala ancestors and ancestresses built multiethnic communities and favored their collaboration and integration in Igala political dynamics and public affairs, contemporary Igalas can do no less. Igala, and our political class must pursue and work toward cordial interethnic and peace interreligious collaborations with diverse ethnic and religious interests. Igala historical disposition indicates that favoring an in-closed perspective is a cultural misnomer, and disadvantageous.
C). The More Things Changed, the More they Remain the Same:
The election of Yahaya Bello has the governor of Kogi brings to the fore certain historical considerations. His election reminds me of the elevation of Ibrahim Onoruiza as the Ohinoyo of Igbirra under the aegis of the British. Ohinoyi Onoruoiza was aided by the British colonialists to the throne. Attah Onoruiza appointed as young 17 years teenager, had a reputation as a promising and enterprising hardworking person. Prior to his accession as Ohinoyi, he worked astutely in the colonial service and was beloved. He was credence with leadership imagination.
However, it was not always fanfare and easy. He fell out with his own people. His ruptured relationship with the leading segments of Igbirra (Ebira) society, due to his glowing and increasing clashes with elements of the elite Igbirra Tribal Union (ITU and Igbirra cultural and public institutions will lead to his fall from grace. Onoruiza, once beloved abdicated his throne in 1954 to the applause of his enemies (Audu, 2010). This example is not considered as prescriptive or prophetic but ratjer contains some vital lessons for the young governor-elect. Enthusiasm is great, but it is not always enough by itself. Youthfulness gives rise to passionate energies, but these alone does not always suffice. Dialogue and building organic coalitions, contains the recipe for progress and enlarging political capital and winning huge.
Iinstructively, the governor elect must not take it for granted that his best supporters will always be from his ethnic group. If, anything, he should now learn from the recent political fate dazzling the Igala, of which he is its beneficiary. Learning from Ebira history must imbue him to learn practical lessons. For instance the story of the two conniving friends, Ododo and Obaji, within Igbirra mythology, should help equip the young Bello’s consciousness to realize that friends can be equally fiendish in their scheming. These two played tricks upon each other, always attempting to further their individual vested interests (Lancett, 1964; Moronhunfola, 1970). ITU politics will frustrate and cause his downfall and eventual abdication. The ITU were his erstwhile Igbirra allies. Bello seems much like an Ohonoza reincarnate.
Bello is an enterprising young man, seemingly progressive, talented, and well beloved. His emergence as governor arises out of the coalition of extrinsic and intrinsic forces, collaborating. The external forces in his case is the Abuja based APC, and probably the Tinubu-Faleke APC faction. All of these APC actors sadly continues to brutally disregard the internal contexts and political calculus of Kogi State. These can paradoxically be both assets and curses at once. Bello must be a political maestro to turn such tides, from looking as bad omens into patent political advantages.
D.) The Mad Dance in the Market Square:
Herein, the present state of the Igala political class is both sad and amazing. There exists a deplorable political recklessness and superficial outlook among many of the Igala political actors. Many depict a troubling Leprechaun tendency; avidly causing mischiefs and acting sneakily. Lucid evaluation of the Igala political class makes it glaringly clear that they favor towering political statuses and social positions; aloof from the people, and seeking to oppressively trammel upon their own people. Many seek almost to be worshipped and sensed themselves almost like demi-urges. The surreptitious goals of many members of this class is the despoliation of the public order in fomenting undue self-advantages.
Audu’s death has unraveled the despicable nature of this class. In death, Audu all too suddenly has become a hero. His heroic impressions relies more in his doggedness, and his encrypting to the future generation of Igala political actors to be relentlessness and not become unduly politically deterred, in the pursuit of meaning goals of personal and public service. However, he is no ultimate saint, as no human ever is. Therefore, Audu to some extent shares some of these deplorable iconic traits of our Igala political class. Most cannot be trusted, or entrusted with anything valuable—politically, intellectually, and symbolically, hugely indulgent and lacking self-confidence.
Among these, only a few stand to muster, while replicating shallow logics portraying their hollow framing. Beyond self-aggrandizement and being crudely narcissistic they are pathetic, devoid of courage. As a class they imagine themselves as be towering and relevant. At any given opportunity they get their will is to boot the Igala populace to total submission to their whims and the back-burner of history. No race survives in this way.
A critical root-cause analysis of this class in the aftermath of Audu’s death, revealed a consistent and troubling pattern. That pertain is their quick appeal to using dividing antics and tactics, motioning and flaming ethnicity at will, using that to garner Igala support. They want “Uja egidi” (mob-fight along ethnic contours, but are unwilling to fight for “uja ache” (the fight for progress of a race and generation). These are quick to utilize divisive idioms. When not exploiting ethnicity against other non-Igala groups, they are adept at fanning the embers of internal crevices.
The historical fact is that the modern strategies of the incumbent political class is flawed and dangerously unsustainable for the Igala future. The current corps of Igala political class are either totally ignorant of the Igala past that discounted passive resistance in favor of bold motives. Many have no memories of the great fortification and marshalling of Igala’s ideas to stand up to the British determined efforts at humiliating the Igala.
The enormous British onslaughts against the Igala was stern and forceful. Idah was at various times Bombarded by British Naval ships, causing unwarranted deaths. The British, also unduly castigated and humiliated Attah Okoliko, and later Attah Amaga. Their attempts at enforcing their royal prerogatives upon the Bassa Komo were stiffly resisted by the Bassa. The Bassa Komo and other groups like the Igbirra Mozum, whom the Attah granted sanctuary in his territory following the threats of the ravenous Fulani Jihadists raids started undermining his royal authority.
Attah Amaga won a victory over the Igbirra, however, his forces were routed near Odubo by the Bassa Komo forces. The Bassa fought in alliance with their Umaisha mercenary kins they invited in aiding them. Further attempts by future Attahs failed, as the Bassa gained British support against the Igala enabling the Bassa cast off the Attah’s suzerainty over them (NAK K2013: 11-#10). In the attempt to gain a solid foothold, and impressing the British might upon the Igala the colonial authorities deposed Attah Ocheje Onakpa in 1903. Exiled to Asaba, he later died (Ibid).
Again in 1906, the British Igalaland also intentionally split into two political configurations—northern and southern Nigeria, as a pacification tool. Idah area (beginning from Ugwolawo) was cast into Onitsha province in the southern protectorate. Ayangba and Dekina area were thrusted into Bassa Province in the northern protectorate. Ankpa was included in Okwoga district in Munshi province. According to the British themselves In the 1950s, the British equally wanted to forcefully relocate the Attah palace to Atenegoma, Ochaja. This was vehemently resisted by the Igala elites, who saw through the British plan.
Our Igala people at various times vociferously responded in resisting the British divisive overtures and humiliating agenda. The Igala valiantly despised the British colonialist onslaughts. In spite of the split the Igala spite of the British undermining of the Attah still came to Idah to receive chieftaincy legitimacy (beaded). The British notes: “Even so the Igalla [sic] is said to have recognized no title not conferred by the Attah and Igalla [sic] were sent from N[orthern] Nigeria to receive their titles from him” (NAK K2013: 11-#10).
The people of Akwacha routed a British military expedition in 1903; killing some British officer. The British rebuttal was swift and lethal. The British thereafter sited a military establishment of the West African Frontier Force (WAFF) in Ankpa from 1903-1933 (Okwoli, 1973, Abubakadr). The Igala also fought the Mahionu war especially around the region of Biraidu (Abocho) and Dekina, reacting to this division and attempts at dismantling Igala traditional and cultural institutions in 1915-1917. Non-royals and non-Igala were also used by the British to rubbish the Igala traditional ruling arrangement. All these were at the roots of the military assault monitored by the Attah and organized under the aegis of the priest of the Mahionu shrine (Etuh and Miachi, 1980).
Positively, the Igala responses helped to revise British thinking toward reunifying the Igala into one political unit in Kabba Province, in northern Nigeria. The reunification process began slowly in 1918 through 1921, but the needed native administration reforms that accompanied the reunification projects happened incrementally. By 1932, the British noted that the Attah reduced to penury by their previous action was now ebulliently restored. The Attah had been broken and the Igala now gracefully submits to British hegemony. The fear of the British, especially exile to Asaba, was the beginning of the colonial subjects’ wisdom!
Why are our political such weaklings? I imagine a lot lacks any grounded historical imagination. Many lack the historical and cultural sources of their identity, and the Igala they lay claim to leading. This reflects a huge fact to why we are where we are today.
Interesting, my ethnographic survey and analytic observation recognized a cogent factor. Igala elite seemingly integrated a paradigm of inferiority complex arising out of the British assault on Igala values and ordered cultural antecedence. Igala look down upon their Igalaness, and therefore, see nothing good from that domain as tools of social progress. Such false consciousness is at the root of the problems and crevices evident within Igala politics. These has helped to create certain defensive mechanisms that easy embrace and reflect the dividing faultlines mimicking those created by past external forces to denigrate, deny Igala of any historical pride, and ultimately decimate us.
An in depth examination of the operationalization of this imagination, occurred to me, within the agitation for Kogi and Okura State. I quickly realized that the name calling characterizing that periods and its public demonizing of individuals followed a certain pattern that made assumptions and placed fellow Igalas along the 1900s faultlines marking the British demarcations splitting the Igalas into different polities. This contrasts sharply with the generation that fought for Igala reunification, as exemplified by the Mahionu war.
In the Igala struggles for Okura States in the early 1980s, name callings and spatial differentiation was the idioms of backstabbing in creating false relevance. The Kogi State proponents, mainly coalesced along the Idah divisional axis, credited the Okura State activists as backward, anti-Ata’ate, and mainly Ankpa and Dekina radical dissenters. The Okura activists defined Idah that formed the proponents of the Kogi State movement in despicable and pejorative terms. Rather, than dialogue that seeks to review the differential reasoning and approaches into elevated common grounds insults, personal ego-trips overrode sound and decorous reason.
This makes it ironic and equally laughable that by the mid-1990s before the Mbanefo commission, the late Attah Aliyu Obaje, representing Igala interests met the commission in Ayangba advocating for what he once considered anathema, the creation of Okura State, with capital at Ayangba. While, the nitty-gritty of these issues elude me, I found this both fascinating and troubling. What a difference time makes, within a decade the tides had turned, the gods now favored Okura State. Above all, the Attah led the push.
In 1994, during the Abacha constitutional conference, Igala delegates—Senator Ahmadu Ali, Architect Gabriel Aduku, Dr. Sule Odoma, and the late Dan Kadiri, were signed proponents of Okura State (Memoranda of Okura State Creation and Memoranda for Local Government Creation in Kogi East, submitted to the National Constitutional Reform Conference, 1994). Within a decade, there was a radical 360 shift, glibly returning to a once discarded proposition and the actors vilified! Maybe somethings never make sense to our unblemished political eyes, but it reveals the superficial and gullible character of the Igala political class!
The Igala political class needs to rise above its “politics of the belly.” Stomach infrastructure while necessary must include ethics, social policy, economic planning and development, education, and technology, and social networks. It is time to build political, social, and economic capitals. Until, our political class and actors learn and operationalize these, the Igala dream remains stagnant. I have observed that Igala have a penchant for noisy diatribes when critical issues of significance resound. Talking above, against, and beyond each other, rather than patient and empathetic listening, critical study and review, questioning, and collaborative planning and pursuits, the Igala march remains static.
The world is changing, and the thermometer of human progress is not measured by the numbers of i-phones, i-pad, and type of cars were own and ride. These are changing. Unused i-phones and i-pads from years ago, looks new but they are old. New and unused things are guests of waste yards, what makes the difference is the time and technology.
Optimistically, many of our young ones are charting new courses and offering novel sources for meaningful outlook. Their worldviews may not be perfect, but the assumptions that drives them cannot be thrown away—just like baby and bath water. We need to learn from them, and others, including outside of our ethnic groups and aborigines. The world is moving, and it configurative forces are sidelining old territories and crafting new channels and interactive boundaries, shifting but powerful. The Igala cannot remain on their old tracks, and we must collaborate and shift bases in enlarging our coalitions, if we are to be empowered in securing our interests. Time is not on our side.
Conclusion:
The events of Prince Audu has revealed certain things about the Igala political class and configurations. It has pragmatically unveiled their folly. The hope is that they will learn. It is hope that the Igala political class will be less narcissistic and arrogant. For instance, in the 1990s while many Igala blamed the Babangida administration for sidelining them in creating Local Government jurisdictions in the Igala homeland—Kogi East senatorial district, it was the then serving Local Government chairmen that stood in its way. In spite of huge local government revenue and fiscal allocations, many Igala Local Government heads (Chairman, Administrators, Liaisons, e.t.c) designed and creatively made it the norm to unduly slice workers’ payroll wages into percentages, paid at their volitions. In a sense, there is a crudity and primitive dynamics to some of the thinking of a vast proportion of Igala political actors. Whether this is borne out of avid hatred and cruel disposition to rank themselves over others within the polity, bragging about their dubiously acquired assets and material accoutrements remain unfathomable.
Finally, the Igala continue to feel antagonized and suspicious of other ethnic groups acting against their interests. This seems to be the internalization of their dispossession and treatment by the colonial authorities and its successor regimes in Nigeria. In spite of the British favoring indirect rule, the established traditional Igala structure was problematic for them and stubbornly antagonized. The Igala withstood these onslaughts but not without scarification. In spite of temporal and historic changes, the Nigerian nation-state has failed and continues to fail the Igala.
Igala feels a deep sense of vulnerability and marginality under the aegis of the state. This feeling has extended to our reading of events. For instance, the death of prominent Igala political figures have always spurned suspicions of elimination, especially through poisoning. The British expedition of 1841 and other subsequent observed the Igala predisposition to eliminate foes through food or drink poisoning. The suspicion of Audu’s elimination, in favor of the calculated interest of the dominant Nigerian ethnic groups, reenacts their past assumption about another prominent Igala, following the sudden demise of General Joshua Anaja, from Agbeji.
Anaja’s death led the Igala insinuating foul play. Anaja ‘s appointment by the Obasanjo military regime in the late 1970s as governor of Plateau State, marked his status as the first Igala to ever become a state governor. His sudden death also propelled another rumour mill. Conspiracy theorists spurned that his death was not natural but an elimination by some ambitious military officers, plotting to lead Nigeria in the event of a coup. Fingers pointed at General Babangida, who became president after Anaja’s death following the later August 27th, 1985 military coup.
Can the Igala continue to constantly insinuate foul play when one of the prominent political or military star dies unanticipatedly? It seems such outcries reflect something deeper. It highlights the Igala vulnerability and inability to do something about their imagined haunted fate. Rather, than address their situation, the easy route seems palpably appealing. Therefore, such justifications while enormously rooted within some magical consciousness and driven by certain cultural propellants, also call many Igala to the underlining nature of their Igala relationship with strangers and food. Igala traditionally, while welcoming of strangers are suspicious of their motives. Igala also believes that food is an easy channel to perpetuating bodily and fatal harm. Thus, Igala afraid of sorcery and witchcraft does not eat anyhow (atetukpa). Food, they recognize provides nutrition, entertainment, and cheerful elixir, however, they perceive it as the gateway toward perpetuating evil against a person. Igala urge caution about where, and with whom to eat and drink. Igala are protective where food matters. Vigilance is norm and self-preservation is key.
Therefore, the Igala political class must realize, that their public demeanor matters—for their public valence is beyond their individual fortunes. We woke up to realize that Audu’s fate—love or hate him-is tied to the Igala larger fortune, ethnic pride, and identity. Thus Igala political actors must always cultivate ethical self-restraints rather than inordinate hedonic and unguarded indulgence within the public arena. vigilance ought to be a watchword in their behavioral lexicon. This lesson cannot be lost on all Igala, especially political aspirants. Igala political actors cannot continue to act in their old predictable ways, without strategies and cultivated discipline. Yet, this also does not call for undue isolationism and interpersonal relationships with others.
Audu’s death has profoundly touched the Igala. It is hope that there are certain enduring lessons that we can learn from his life, successes and limitations. Igala shall arise, like the phoenix bird, even from the burnt ashes of our historical conditions, the Igala can tower again for good, affecting all those around us and different communities across Kogi State and Nigeria, regardless of ethnic affinities.
References:
Afigbo, Adiele, “Tradition of Igbo Origin,” History of Africa 10 (1983): 1-11.
“Southeastern Nigeria, the Niger-Benue Confluence, and the Benue in the Pre-colonial Period: Some Issues of Historiography,” History in Africa 24 (1997): 1-8.
“The Anthropology and Historiography of Central-South Nigeria before and since Igbo-Ukwu, History in Africa 23 (1996): 1-15.
“Trade and Trade Routes in Nineteenth Century Nsukka,” Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria, 7(1) 1973: 77-90.
Agbali, Anthony A., “The Igala Response to Colonial Destabilization and Fragmentation,” chapter 5 in Toyin Falola (ed.) The Dark Webs: Perspectives on Colonialism in Africa, (Durham, N.C.: Carolina Academic Press), 2005, 99-137.
“Ritualizing Communal Wellbeing: The Igala Anthropology of Healthcare and Contemporary Nigerian Healthcare Delivery,” Chapter 17 in Toyin Falola and Matthew M.Heaton, (ed.), Traditional and Modern Health Systems in Nigeria, (Trenton, N.J.: Africa World Press, Inc., 2006: 305-363.
“Reflection on Witchcraft: An African Metaphysical Possibility?” The Gadfly, [Philosophical] Magazine (Published by The Philosophical Society, St. Augustine’s Major Seminary, Jos, Nigeria) 4 (3), 1992: 11-15.
Akinyele, R.T. (ed.), Race, Ethnicity and National Building in Africa. Rex Charles Publication(in association with Connel Publications), 2003.
Alagoa, E.J. “Long-Distance Trade and States in the Niger Delta,” The Journal of African History, 1, no 3 (1970): 319-29.
Allen, W and Thomson, T. R., A Narrative of an Expedition Sent by Her Majesty’s Government to the River Niger in 1841, (London, Frank Cass 1848 [1966]).
“Annual Report, Northern Nigeria, 1932.”
Audu, Suleman Mohammed, “Politics and Conflict in Ebiraland, Nigeria: The Need for Centralized Leadership since 1917,” Journal of Sustainable Development in Africa 12(1): 2010: 236-248.
Baikie, William Balfour, “Brief Summary of an Exploring Trip on the Rivers Kwara and Chadda (or Benue) in 1854,” Journal of the Royal Geographical Society of London, 25 (1855): 108-121
Narrative of the Niger, Tshadda, & Binuë Exploration: Including a Report on the Position and Prospects of Trade up Those Rivers, with Remarks on the Malaria and Fevers of Western Africa (London: Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans, 1855).
Biobaku, Saburi, The Origin of the Yoruba, (Lagos, Nigeria: The Federal Ministry of Information and Time Press, 1955 [1960]).
Boston, J.S., “Notes on the Contact between the Igala and Ibo,” Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria 2(1) 1960: 52-58
“Igala Political Organization.” African Notes (University of Ibadan, Nigeria) 4 (2), 1967: 18-31.
“Ceremonial Iron Gong among the Igala and Ibo,” Man 51-52 (1964): 44-47.
“Notes on the Origin of the Igala,” Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria 2 (3) 1962: 373-383.
The Igala Kingdom, (Ibadan: Oxford University Press, 1968).
Brown, Paula, “The Igbira” in Forde, Daryll; Paula Brown; Robert G. Armstrong (ed.), Peoples of the Niger-Benue Confluence, (London: International African Institute, 1955), pp.55-72.
Crowther, Samuel and Taylor, J. The Gospel on the Banks of the Niger. London, 1859.
Hutchinson, T.J., Narrative of the Niger, Tshadda, & Binuë Exploration: Including a Report on the Position and Prospects of Trade up Those Rivers, with Remarks on the Malaria and Fevers of Western Africa (London: Frank Cass and Co. 1855 [1966]).
Etuh, Yusuf, Ameh Oboni, (Lagos, Longman, 1993).
Etuh, Yusuf and Miachi, Tom. “The Mahionu War (1916-1917) and the History of Igala,” in Elaeis: A Journal of Igalaland 2(2) 1980: 34-38- -(Published by the defunct Ayangba Agricultural Development Project).
Erim, E.O. Idoma Nationality 1600-1900: Problems in the Studying the Origin of the Development of Ethnicity, (Enugu, Nigeria: Fourth Dimension, 1981).
Forde, Daryll, “The Nupe.” In Forde, Daryll; Paula Brown; Robert G. Armstrong (ed.), Peoples ofthe Niger-Benue Confluence. London: International African Institute, 1955: 17-54.
Ibrahim, Y.A “Igbirra Traditional Institutions,” Nigeria Magazine No. 119 (1976), and “Igbirra Traditional Institutions, Part II” Nigeria Magazine, No. 120 (1976).
Kolapo, F.J.“Post-Abolition Niger River Commerce and the Nineteenth Century Igala Political Crisis,” African Economic History 27 (1999): 45-67.
Laird, M. and Oldfield, R. A. C. Narrative of an Expedition into the Interior of Africa by the River Niger in the Steam Vessels Quorra and Alburkah in 1832, 1833 and 1834. London,1837.
Lannert, E., “Ekwechi-Anokehi Festival,” Nigerian Magazine, 80 (March 1964): 44-56.
Miachi, T. A. “Masquerades as Agents of Social Control among the Igala,”Elaeis: A Journal of Igalaland 2 (1) 1980: 18-28.
“The Masquerade Phenomenon in Igala Culture: An Anthropological Analysis,” Unpublished PhD Dissertation, Institute of African Studies, University of Ibadan, Nigeria, 1991.
Miles, Clifford. “Notes on the Bassa Komo Tribe in the Igala Division,” Man 94-95 (September/October, 1944): 107-116.
“A Nigerian Chiefdom,” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland 66 (1936): 393-435..
Moronhunfola, E.A., “Igbirra Culture: The Eku Festival,” Nigeria Magazine No. 105 (June-August 1970): 94-97.
NAK K2013—Officer, K., Major, A.D.O (compiler), “Notes on the Igala N’Ndoma and Okpoto and their Customs and History, compiled by Major K. Officer, September 1923.
Neaher, Nancy C. “Awka Who Travels: Itinerant Metalsmiths of Southern Nigeria,” Africa: Journal of the International African Institutes 49 (4) 1979: 352-366.
Ogugua, Philip, 1984, “The Beginning of Igbo-Igala Relations Up To c. 1650 A.D.,” Nigeria Magazine No. 149 (1984): 47-62.
Ogwuche, Jacinta Ejalo, “A History of the Ette circa 1800-1960: A Study of Migration and Settlement,” Masters’ Degree Thesis, Department of History, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, Nigeria, 2008.
Okene, Adam Ahmed “Colonial Conquests and Resistance: The Case of Ebiraland 1886-1917,” Kano Studies: A Journal of Savannah and Sudanic Research 1 (1), 2000: 14-16.
Okwoli, P.E., A Short History of Igala, (Ilorin, Kwara, Nigeria: Mantami Press, 1973).
Okwoli, P.E., Introduction to Igala Traditional Religion, (Anyigba, Nigeria: The Pastoral Center, Diocese of Idah, 1996).
Onwuejeogwu, M. Angulu, An Igbo Civilization: Nri Kingdom and Hegemony, (London: Ethnographica and Ethiope Publishing Corp, 1981). ohn
Picton, John, “On Placing Masquerades in Ebira,” African Languages and Cultures Vol. 2, No. 1 (1989): 73-92.
Shelton, Austin J. The Igbo-Igala Borderland: Religion and Social Control in Indigenous African Colonialism. Albany, New York: State University of New York, 1971.
“Onoja Ogboni: Problems of Identification and Historicity in the Oral Traditions of the Igala and Northern Nsukka Igbo of Nigeria” The Journal of American Forklore 81, Issue 321 (1968): 243-57.
“The Rise and Fall of the Igala State,” Nigeria Magazine, 80 (March 1964): 17-29.
Ukwede, Joseph N., History of the Igala Kingdom c. 1534-1854: A Study of Political and Cultural Integration in the Niger-Benue Confluence Area of Nigeria, (Kaduna: Arewa House, Ahmadu Bello University Kaduna, 2003).